Why are you mourning the death of Queen Elizabeth?

When news of Elizabeth II’s death broke Thursday, a tearful crowd outside Buckingham Palace chanted a desperate ‘God save the Queen’. Hundreds of people braved the torrential rain to stand outside the palace gates.The Queen was, for better or worse, a rare common reference.

Grief experts say we mourn what she stands for, and the pass. She was the head of state in the UK and 14 other Commonwealth nations.

The solemnity may be performed, or even overwrought, but the Queen’s death resonates because she was one of our last universal touchpoints.

When a news channel aired the sad news, my emotions had some what to do with the importance of the monarchy in my life, but also with the scale and grand gravity of the occasion.

I remember whilst on the princess trust program as a young designer I was inspired by the Queens passion and exquisite dress sense, In the moment I dreamed to distinguish our Majesty wearing one of the LGN designs one day. “I brought the hat outside Buckingham your Majesty the Queen Elizabeth 2nd. Please accept as a token of my admiration your highness.

Venerated is a character that serves as a common reference point for so many people.

An instantly recognizable figure to billions of people around the world, the Queen was on her Platinum Jubilee year in 1952, marking the 70th anniversary of succeeding her father, King George VI.

An image of Queen Elizabeth II is seen at Piccadilly Circus in London.

Save our Human Rights – Is the Government trying to shut down the ways we can hold it to account: in Court, in Parliament and in the streets.

ACCOUNTABILITY
The Government’s proposals will undoubtedly weaken rights protections in the UK. And the only people who benefit from weakening rights are those in power.

Right now, that is a government attempting to shut down the ways people are able to hold it to account.

The Judicial Review Bill will make it harder for people to challenge the Government’s actions in court – and make it so even winning your case won’t be worthwhile.

The Policing Bill is an attempt to silence people by criminalising their protests.

Mandatory voter ID could prevent millions of people from exercising their right to vote and having a say in elections.

And the Government is sidelining MP and Peers when making and changing laws, allowing little to no time to debate proposals.

The proposals to replace the Human Rights Act with a British Bill of Rights aren’t born of good will. They are the summit of the Government’s ambitions to rewrite the rules to make itself untouchable.

Without human rights, we will violate not only our moral principles but also social norms for certain standards of human behavior. Freedom, equality, and dignity are bestowed on all by virtue of being human, expressions of these are protected by our Human rights to freedom of thought, conscience, and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief and freedom to the rights listed below.

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DONATE NOW TO DEFEND HUMAN RIGHTS
The government is planning to gut the Human Rights Act, but together we can stop them. Your donation could help defend our rights through this year’s upcoming attacks – and it only takes two minutes.


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Article 1
































Right to Equality
Article 2Freedom from Discrimination
Article 3Right to Life, Liberty, Personal Security
Article 4Freedom from Slavery
Article 5Freedom from Torture and Degrading Treatment
Article 6Right to Recognition as a Person before the Law
Article 7Right to Equality before the Law
Article 8Right to Remedy by Competent Tribunal
Article 9Freedom from Arbitrary Arrest and Exile
Article 10Right to Fair Public Hearing
Article 11Right to be Considered Innocent until Proven Guilty
Article 12Freedom from Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, and Correspondence
Article 13Right to Free Movement in and out of the Country
Article 14Right to Asylum in other Countries from Persecution
Article 15Right to a Nationality and the Freedom to Change It
Article 16Right to Marriage and Family
Article 17Right to Own Property
Article 18Freedom of Belief and Religion
Article 19Freedom of Opinion and Information
Article 20Right of Peaceful Assembly and Association
Article 21Right to Participate in Government and in Free Elections
Article 22Right to Social Security
Article 23Right to Desirable Work and to Join Trade Unions
Article 24Right to Rest and Leisure
Article 25Right to Adequate Living Standard
Article 26Right to Education
Article 27Right to Participate in the Cultural Life of Community
Article 28Right to a Social Order that Articulates this Document
Article 29Community Duties Essential to Free and Full Development
Article 30Freedom from State or Personal Interference in the above Rights

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Prayer for the ministry

This prayer is inspired by King David taken from 1 Chronicles 29 O Lord our God, all this store that we have prepared to build thee a house for thine holy name cometh of thine hand, and is all thine own. I know also, my God, that thou triest the heart, and hast pleasure in…Continue Reading →

April 15, 20190

Prayer For Boldness

And when they heard that, they lifted up their voice to God with one accord and said Lord, thou art God, which hast made heaven, and earth, and the sea, and all that in them is: Who by the mouth of thy servant David hast said, Why did the heathen rage, and the people imagine…Continue Reading

Prayers for the Natural Order

  For Knowledge of God’s Creation Almighty and everlasting God, you made the universe with all its marvelous order, its atoms, worlds, and galaxies, and the infinite complexity of living creatures: Grant that, as we probe the mysteries of your creation, we may come to know you more truly, and more surely fulfill our role…Continue Reading →

February

KJ Bless Hair & Beauty

Bosses Made 46 subscribers. True beauty is the one people have inside them. Your outer beauty is only equal to your inner beauty. https://www.facebook.com/kjblessbeauty

BossesMadeMusic

is a British urban music outlet and entertainment platform. As the name suggests, the platform is an outlet for UK rap and its various genres, such as UK drill, afro swing, trap, and British hip hop. The platform also serves electronic genres such as UK garage and grime.

Emergency Support Scheme – Lambeth 2022

Hi there,

The Emergency support scheme to help those in crisis is vital lifeline. The
Government has to make sure there is a local scheme that provides emergency help to people in crisis check your local council for details about the scheme if you do not live in london the scheme provides in-kind support, such as vouchers, wherever possible, rather than cash grants. We can help your household meet living costs if you need support with you application call John Livingston on 07940240811 between 9 am – 5pm Mon-Fri
Here is the link to Lambeth the Household Support Scheme: 

https://beta.lambeth.gov.uk/benefits-financial-support/extra-support-people-crisis/household-support-scheme/apply-online

Here is the link for the video tutorial:

Once you receive your voucher, wait 14 days and apply again. 

Below are written instructions:

When you are applying, if you are a single person, click ‘I am experiencing a crisis’ . If you are a family/ have children – click ‘my family is under pressure.’ – then make a note of your reference number.

Then fill in the details as it says. 

If you are not entirely sure about the amount of your benefits, you can estimate within reason but you can’t make it up completely as they will check with your national insurance records.

Photo by Burak The Weekender on Pexels.com

When it asks you about your crisis and which date – put today’s date and explain that you are struggling to make ends meet due to the cost in the rise of living and the rising costs of fuel. You can also talk about Universal Credit and how the payments were reduced late last year.

Photo by Anna Nekrashevich on Pexels.com

When it asks for the help you need, they will only help you with general food, electricity and gas. So only tick these boxes and write a couple of sentences about how you are struggling with costs this winter because you are on a low income. You can also mention the rise in the cost of living and the rapid rise in the cost of fuel. You can also mention that universal credit was reduced and this has adversely affected you.

You can always try to get household goods. They do give these but very rarely and only if you have been the victim of a disaster like a flood or fire in an accommodation run by Lambeth. They also sometimes will give household goods on medical grounds but only if you provide evidence at a later date (they will contact you if this is the case.)

When they ask you about what else you have done to improve your situation, you can say that you have been contacting the foodbank for support.

When it asks for your energy account numbers and you don’t know them, explain this in the ‘additional info’ box. You will find this box as the last question under the ‘help you need’ section. Then you can write in ‘0000000’ when it asks for your account number on the following page. 

I know you may feel that it doesn’t all apply to you but the money is there to help Lambeth residents this winter. You are definitely eligible if your family earns under £30,000 a year.

Any issues, please email me.

Fred Poll

Signposting Support Officer

07985146406

Working days: Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday

Elimination of social isolation and separation by keeping the memory of our vision passion in our hearts. Saint Joseph

Our mission is to inspire the spiritual maturity of extroverted Christians who love and serve the public interest of those crucified around us. Our Faith We seek unity between our lives and the apostolate in the Passion of Jesus. His passion reveals that the power of God pervades the world, destroys the power of evil, and builds the kingdom of God.

BossesMadeMen { great way to give back

BMM is a community development project, providing business motivational modules and referrals. We have a online network of business on our directories, we liaison, promote and support. Members view our directories to find local business, talent and crafts daily.This automatically generates potential customers for your business and creates collaborations.

We follow the development of bosses in our community! We have a network of 2k plus members who we offer our services.

Ona oour latest project event we visted st josephs church.

St. Josephs Church is a harmonious mixing of the Romanesque and Byzantine styles, and became designed with the aid of using the architect Albert Vicars of Somerset Chambers, 151 Strand. It is a indexed building, defined with the aid of using English Heritage as outstanding. The church is 146 ft lengthy and greater than fifty five ft wide. The dome is expected to weigh, with its assisting brickwork, 2000 tons. The dome, of copper with a patina of green, is a hundred thirty ft above the extent of the go of St.Pauls, and may be visible from such various vantage factors as a educate returning to Kings Cross, Hampstead Heath and indeed, from a long way throughout London. While the dome can be the maximum acquainted function, the church itself might pay off a visit, with its Italian indoors and serene spaciousness. St. Josephs Church Highgate One of the important thing capabilities in the church is the baldachino, or canopy, over the excessive altar. The altar piece is crafted from Sicilian marble, and the cylindrical metal secure of the tabernacle is from the 1861 church. A evaluation of the information suggests that the surrounds and the dome of the tabernacle are an precise copy, in marble, of the authentic wood surrounds, observed now no longer handiest on the primary altar on this church, however even withinside the preceding church of 1861.

Dome

The mosaic pavement withinside the sanctuary is crafted from fabric taken from the mattress of the River Severn, and is reputed to be greater long lasting and greater luxurious than marble. Another function is the hand painted, segmental, vaulted ceiling painted with the aid of using Nathaniel Westlake in 1891.

It is stated with the aid of using a few artwork critics to be one of the best of Westlakes paintings.
Each section of the ceiling has an angel wearing a scroll with a verse from the Te Deum, the church`s super hymn of thanksgiving.


Beginning over the organ gallery and finishing at the doorway to the sanctuary, the entire hymn is reproduced.
There are 250 panels in all and the ceiling is fifty three ft excessive from ground to inner apex.


Pope Leo XIII (Italian: Leone XIII; born Vincenzo Gioacchino Raffaele Luigi Pecci;[a] 2 March 1810 – 20 July 1903) was the head of the Catholic Church from 20 February 1878 to his death in 1903. Living until the age of 93, he was the oldest pope (with the exception of Pope Benedict XVI as pope emeritus), and had the third-longest confirmed pontificate, behind those of Pius IX (his immediate predecessor) and John Paul II.
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Pope Leo XIII (Italian: Leo XIII, born Vincenzo Joaccino Rafaele Luigi Petch, [a] March 2, 1810-July 20, 1903-) was from February 20, 1878 to 1903. He was the head of the Catholic Church until his death in the year. Living to the age of 93, he was the oldest Pope (except Pope Benedict XVI as Pope Emeritus) and had the third longest confirmed Pope after Pius IX. (His predecessor) and John Paul II.


The church has a high-quality four-guide organ constructed with the aid of using the well-known organ builder, William Hill & Sons.

            Thank all the bosses and self made entrepreneurs for their inspiration and examples.

Artist: T.MANTANA

Bookings & Also Musical Link With The Artist: Make a booking here

Address London, United Kingdom Mobile Phones Ask for Myk’s phone number

Screen Name T.MANTANA Address London, United Kingdom

Make a booking here Screen Name trixzartist Make a booking here

Bucky Jo CEO/Artist/Producer at Buzwakk Records{looking for artists}Bucky Jo CEO/Artist/Producer at Buzwakk Records{looking for artists}

: Artist: Starboimillz

MYSPACE: Bucky JoJo soundcloud.com/officialmillz9 REVERBNATION: Bucky JoJo Make a booking TWITTER: @Bucky_jo / @Buzwakk YOUTUBE: BUZWAKK EMAIL: buzwakk@googlemail.com / buzwakkrec@gmail.com FACEBOOK: Bucky jo (Joseph Marriott) / Bucky Jo (BuzwakkRecords)

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Dean’s Carcare

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K & J AUDIO Blessed restaurant

Simone’s little tots

Ackee Tree minicabs barrel king Cherith Supermarket

Dean Clements {SELF MADE Dean’s Carcare DEEN,S FUNITURE Endz2Endz Fosters {fruit and veg} H white & sons painting and decorating

Ignite Boilers Innovation Forever JOHN BOOKS 2013 K & J AUDIO KD HAIR SALON barber shop

LEX T REMOVALS lloyd’s handymen.co London cars south Ltd MJ PLUMBING& HEATING

Ocean quality dry cleaners ONTIME SHIPPING LTD

PD shipping Pempamsie ReeFresh Furnitures Ricky’s Removal

Sewi Autos LTD simpsons property services

Soapy moos valeting services Thanh {engineering}

For those Members with the BMM apps on their phones we encourage you to find a local store or support group, self employed worker and give back what you can.

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We will be purchasing items from these local shops to better our environment.

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We encourage to shop on-line @ BMM directories. If you can’t afford it just add a member of your community to our database its simple click here: http://bossesmademen.com
THE LOSS OF HUMANITY – CLAVER LUKOKI – FIND YOUR PURPOSE 2020

Building Mental Minds – Giveaways
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Nikki Minaj, hip-hop culture, female rappers, drill music and law suits, cosmetic surgery, blueprint & motivational bio

When the art is great all that stuff comes. Nikki Minaj

Nicki Minaj (/mn/) is a Trinidadian-born rapper, singer, songwriter, and actor. She was born Onika Tanya Maraj-Petty on December 8, 1982. Her flexibility as an artist is known for her poetry and energetic flow in her rapping, as well as her use of alter egos and accents.

Between 2007 and 2009, Minaj rose to prominence after releasing three mixtapes. Pink Friday (2010), her debut album, debuted at number one on the Billboard 200 in the United States. “Super Bass,” the fifth single, peaked at number three on the Billboard Hot 100, making it the highest-charting solo song by a female rapper since 2002. It went on to become the second song by a female rapper to be certified diamond in the United States.


Drill is a trap music genre characterised by its ominous trap-influenced beats and dark, aggressive, and nihilistic lyrical content. Drill gained popularity in the United States in mid-2012, because to the success of rappers and producers such as Chief Keef, Lil Durk, Lil Reese, and others.

A judge ordered Notting Hill drill group 1011 to refrain from creating music with aggressive lyrics (Metropolitan Police/PA). Drill music has been blamed for causing, at least in part, the… What is drill music, and why is it associated with violence?

https://www.independent.ie/entertainment/music/what-is-drill-music-and…

28th of August, 2018 Drill music has been accused for fuelling the rise in killings and other violent crimes, at least in part. Conflicts between gangs and postal codes.

Artist must reconnect to the moment in their music and never forget the passion which they had at the beginning of their musical journey whilst trying to relate they art towards their reality as there is a lot of delusions in the music industry.

Nicki’s father is half Black and half Asian. Her mother is black. This means that race-wise, Nicki Minaj is two-thirds black and a third Asian with Indian ancestry. Some may question why, being mixed-race Nicki is considered black by the public.

Nicki Minaj claims that younger women in the music industry have “never experienced hate the way I have” Nicki Minaj has claimed that young women receiving hate in the music industry are merely experiencing “growing pains” when compared to what she has been through. Nicki’s father is half Black and half Asian. Her mother is black. This means that race-wise, Nicki Minaj is two-thirds black and a third Asian with Indian ancestry. Some may question why, being mixed-race Nicki is considered black by the public.

“Shoutout to my haters, sorry that you couldn’t phase me.” Nikki Minaj

Roy Sawh is a Guyanese spokesperson, activist, and author. He is the author of the book “From Where I Stand””

From Where I Stand

Roy Sawh is a Guyanese spokesperson, activist, and author. He is the author of the book “From Where I Stand” and is still remembered for his speeches in the Speakers’ Corner.

Name Roy Sawh
Age 70s
Gender Male
Nationality Guyanese
Profession Author
Married/Single Married
What Is His Net Worth?
Roy Sawh has not disclosed any information on his net worth earnings to date.

We hope to update this section after the full information on his earnings is tracked down by our sources.

Know His Wife
Roy Sawh is reported to be a married man with a wife.

However, any information on his wife is not disclosed to the public yet.

He, along with his wife, are noted to be parents to numerous children though the recent updates on them are not accessible at the moment.

We will update this section as soon as the relatable information on Roy’s personal and family life is at the disposal.

Roy Sawh Wikipedia: Is he featured on it yet?
No, Roy Sawh has not been featured on Wikipedia as of 2021.

Despite being one of the noteworthy people to deliver powerful speeches while in the Speakers’ Corner, Roy’s officialized bio has not been documented by any of the media and internet sources. However, in recent years, he has been interviewed by many media polls for his contribution against racism back in the old days.

Roy hails from Indian-Guyanese parents and was born in Guyana. It is reported that his families were oppressed into slavery during the peak wartime. It was when he encountered Coloured Workers’ Welfare Association and Speakers’ Corner in 1958 that he decided to fight against the British government for the rights of black and Indian origins.

The Souls of Black Folk African-American literature by activist W.E.B. Du Bois

The Souls of Black Folk is a well-known work of African-American literature by activist W.E.B. Du Bois. The book, published in 1903, contains several essays on race, some of which had been previously published in Atlantic Monthly magazine. Du Bois drew from his own experiences to develop this groundbreaking work on being African-American in American society. Outside of its notable place in African-American history, The Souls of Black Folk also holds an important place in social science as one of the first works to deal with sociology

The Souls of Black Folk by W. E. B. Du Bois (World Classic Book Series)

Linton Kwesi Johnson ,– Building alliances, – Positive role models 

Linton Kwesi Johnson (conceived 24 August 1952), otherwise called LKJ, is a Jamaican name artist and dissident who has been situated in the United Kingdom starting around 1963. In 2002 he turned into the second living artist, and the main dark writer, to be distributed in the Penguin Modern Classics series. His presentation verse includes the recitation of his own refrain in Jamaican patois over name reggae, generally written as a team with eminent British reggae maker/craftsman Dennis Bovell.


Johnson proceeded to read up for a degree in humanism at Goldsmiths College in New Cross, London, graduating in 1973. Talking in a 2018 meeting about his beginning as an artist, he said: “I started to compose section, since I preferred it, but since it was an approach to communicating the resentment, the energy of the young people of my age as far as our battle against racial abuse. Verse was a social weapon in the dark freedom battle, so that is the way it started. During the ahead of schedule to mid-1970s he was utilized as the main paid library assets and schooling official at the Keskidee Center, where his sonnet Voices of the residing and the dead was arranged, created by Jamaica writer Lindsay Barrett, with music by the reggae bunch Rasta Love. Johnson has reviewed: “it was awesome, you know, having composed something and having it organized with entertainers and performers. That was back in 1973 preceding I had a sonnet distributed anyplace. That was before anybody had known about Linton Kwesi Johnson.”

Johnson composed for New Musical Express, Melody Maker, and Black Music during the 1970s and keeping in mind that chipping away at an independent reason for Virgin Records during this period he composed accounts for reggae craftsmen on the name, just as sleeve notes and duplicate for adverts.

Martin Luther king beyond Vietnam speech analysis

Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen:

I need not pause to say how very delighted I am to be here tonight, and how very delighted I am to see you expressing your concern about the issues that will be discussed tonight by turning out in such large numbers. I also want to say that I consider it a great honor to share this program with Dr. Bennett, Dr. Commager, and Rabbi Heschel, and some of the distinguished leaders and personalities of our nation. And of course it’s always good to come back to Riverside church. Over the last eight years, I have had the privilege of preaching here almost every year in that period, and it is always a rich and rewarding experience to come to this great church and this great pulpit.

I come to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. I join you in this meeting because I’m in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the organization which has brought us together: Clergy and Laymen Concerned About Vietnam. The recent statements of your executive committee are the sentiments of my own heart, and I found myself in full accord when I read its opening lines: “A time comes when silence is betrayal.” And that time has come for us in relation to Vietnam.

The truth of these words is beyond doubt, but the mission to which they call us is a most difficult one. Even when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men do not easily assume the task of opposing their government’s policy, especially in time of war. Nor does the human spirit move without great difficulty against all the apathy of conformist thought within one’s own bosom and in the surrounding world. Moreover, when the issues at hand seem as perplexing as they often do in the case of this dreadful conflict, we are always on the verge of being mesmerized by uncertainty; but we must move on.

And some of us who have already begun to break the silence of the night have found that the calling to speak is often a vocation of agony, but we must speak. We must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limited vision, but we must speak. And we must rejoice as well, for surely this is the first time in our nation’s history that a significant number of its religious leaders have chosen to move beyond the prophesying of smooth patriotism to the high grounds of a firm dissent based upon the mandates of conscience and the reading of history. Perhaps a new spirit is rising among us. If it is, let us trace its movements and pray that our own inner being may be sensitive to its guidance, for we are deeply in need of a new way beyond the darkness that seems so close around us.

Over the past two years, as I have moved to break the betrayal of my own silences and to speak from the burnings of my own heart, as I have called for radical departures from the destruction of Vietnam, many persons have questioned me about the wisdom of my path. At the heart of their concerns this query has often loomed large and loud: “Why are you speaking about the war, Dr. King?” “Why are you joining the voices of dissent?” “Peace and civil rights don’t mix,” they say. “Aren’t you hurting the cause of your people,” they ask? And when I hear them, though I often understand the source of their concern, I am nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that the inquirers have not really known me, my commitment or my calling. Indeed, their questions suggest that they do not know the world in which they live.

In the light of such tragic misunderstanding, I deem it of signal importance to try to state clearly, and I trust concisely, why I believe that the path from Dexter Avenue Baptist Church — the church in Montgomery, Alabama, where I began my pastorate — leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight.

I come to this platform tonight to make a passionate plea to my beloved nation. This speech is not addressed to Hanoi or to the National Liberation Front. It is not addressed to China or to Russia. Nor is it an attempt to overlook the ambiguity of the total situation and the need for a collective solution to the tragedy of Vietnam. Neither is it an attempt to make North Vietnam or the National Liberation Front paragons of virtue, nor to overlook the role they must play in the successful resolution of the problem. While they both may have justifiable reasons to be suspicious of the good faith of the United States, life and history give eloquent testimony to the fact that conflicts are never resolved without trustful give and take on both sides.

Tonight, however, I wish not to speak with Hanoi and the National Liberation Front, but rather to my fellow Americans.

Since I am a preacher by calling, I suppose it is not surprising that I have seven major reasons for bringing Vietnam into the field of my moral vision. There is at the outset a very obvious and almost facile connection between the war in Vietnam and the struggle I, and others, have been waging in America. A few years ago there was a shining moment in that struggle. It seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor — both black and white — through the poverty program. There were experiments, hopes, new beginnings. Then came the buildup in Vietnam, and I watched this program broken and eviscerated, as if it were some idle political plaything of a society gone mad on war, and I knew that America would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like Vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube. So, I was increasingly compelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such.

Perhaps a more tragic recognition of reality took place when it became clear to me that the war was doing far more than devastating the hopes of the poor at home. It was sending their sons and their brothers and their husbands to fight and to die in extraordinarily high proportions relative to the rest of the population. We were taking the black young men who had been crippled by our society and sending them eight thousand miles away to guarantee liberties in Southeast Asia which they had not found in southwest Georgia and East Harlem. And so we have been repeatedly faced with the cruel irony of watching Negro and white boys on TV screens as they kill and die together for a nation that has been unable to seat them together in the same schools. And so we watch them in brutal solidarity burning the huts of a poor village, but we realize that they would hardly live on the same block in Chicago. I could not be silent in the face of such cruel manipulation of the poor.

My third reason moves to an even deeper level of awareness, for it grows out of my experience in the ghettoes of the North over the last three years — especially the last three summers. As I have walked among the desperate, rejected, and angry young men, I have told them that Molotov cocktails and rifles would not solve their problems. I have tried to offer them my deepest compassion while maintaining my conviction that social change comes most meaningfully through nonviolent action. But they ask — and rightly so — what about Vietnam? They ask if our own nation wasn’t using massive doses of violence to solve its problems, to bring about the changes it wanted. Their questions hit home, and I knew that I could never again raise my voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today — my own government. For the sake of those boys, for the sake of this government, for the sake of the hundreds of thousands trembling under our violence, I cannot be silent.

For those who ask the question, “Aren’t you a civil rights leader?” and thereby mean to exclude me from the movement for peace, I have this further answer. In 1957 when a group of us formed the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, we chose as our motto: “To save the soul of America.” We were convinced that we could not limit our vision to certain rights for black people, but instead affirmed the conviction that America would never be free or saved from itself until the descendants of its slaves were loosed completely from the shackles they still wear. In a way we were agreeing with Langston Hughes, that black bard of Harlem, who had written earlier:

O, yes,
I say it plain,
America never was America to me,
And yet I swear this oath —
America will be!

Now, it should be incandescently clear that no one who has any concern for the integrity and life of America today can ignore the present war. If America’s soul becomes totally poisoned, part of the autopsy must read: Vietnam. It can never be saved so long as it destroys the deepest hopes of men the world over. So it is that those of us who are yet determined that America will be — are — are led down the path of protest and dissent, working for the health of our land.

As if the weight of such a commitment to the life and health of America were not enough, another burden of responsibility was placed upon me in 1954;1 and I cannot forget that the Nobel Peace Prize was also a commission, a commission to work harder than I had ever worked before for “the brotherhood of man.” This is a calling that takes me beyond national allegiances, but even if it were not present I would yet have to live with the meaning of my commitment to the ministry of Jesus Christ. To me the relationship of this ministry to the making of peace is so obvious that I sometimes marvel at those who ask me why I’m speaking against the war. Could it be that they do not know that the good news was meant for all men — for Communist and capitalist, for their children and ours, for black and for white, for revolutionary and conservative? Have they forgotten that my ministry is in obedience to the One who loved his enemies so fully that he died for them? What then can I say to the Vietcong or to Castro or to Mao as a faithful minister of this One? Can I threaten them with death or must I not share with them my life?

And finally, as I try to explain for you and for myself the road that leads from Montgomery to this place I would have offered all that was most valid if I simply said that I must be true to my conviction that I share with all men the calling to be a son of the living God. Beyond the calling of race or nation or creed is this vocation of sonship and brotherhood, and because I believe that the Father is deeply concerned especially for his suffering and helpless and outcast children, I come tonight to speak for them.

This I believe to be the privilege and the burden of all of us who deem ourselves bound by allegiances and loyalties which are broader and deeper than nationalism and which go beyond our nation’s self-defined goals and positions. We are called to speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for the victims of our nation and for those it calls “enemy,” for no document from human hands can make these humans any less our brothers.

And as I ponder the madness of Vietnam and search within myself for ways to understand and respond in compassion, my mind goes constantly to the people of that peninsula. I speak now not of the soldiers of each side, not of the ideologies of the Liberation Front, not of the junta in Saigon, but simply of the people who have been living under the curse of war for almost three continuous decades now. I think of them, too, because it is clear to me that there will be no meaningful solution there until some attempt is made to know them and hear their broken cries.

They must see Americans as strange liberators. The Vietnamese people proclaimed their own independence in 1954 — in 1945 rather — after a combined French and Japanese occupation and before the communist revolution in China. They were led by Ho Chi Minh. Even though they quoted the American Declaration of Independence in their own document of freedom, we refused to recognize them. Instead, we decided to support France in its reconquest of her former colony. Our government felt then that the Vietnamese people were not ready for independence, and we again fell victim to the deadly Western arrogance that has poisoned the international atmosphere for so long. With that tragic decision we rejected a revolutionary government seeking self-determination and a government that had been established not by China — for whom the Vietnamese have no great love — but by clearly indigenous forces that included some communists. For the peasants this new government meant real land reform, one of the most important needs in their lives.

For nine years following 1945 we denied the people of Vietnam the right of independence. For nine years we vigorously supported the French in their abortive effort to recolonize Vietnam. Before the end of the war we were meeting eighty percent of the French war costs. Even before the French were defeated at Dien Bien Phu, they began to despair of their reckless action, but we did not. We encouraged them with our huge financial and military supplies to continue the war even after they had lost the will. Soon we would be paying almost the full costs of this tragic attempt at recolonization.

After the French were defeated, it looked as if independence and land reform would come again through the Geneva Agreement. But instead there came the United States, determined that Ho should not unify the temporarily divided nation, and the peasants watched again as we supported one of the most vicious modern dictators, our chosen man, Premier Diem. The peasants watched and cringed as Diem ruthlessly rooted out all opposition, supported their extortionist landlords, and refused even to discuss reunification with the North. The peasants watched as all this was presided over by United States’ influence and then by increasing numbers of United States troops who came to help quell the insurgency that Diem’s methods had aroused. When Diem was overthrown they may have been happy, but the long line of military dictators seemed to offer no real change, especially in terms of their need for land and peace.

The only change came from America, as we increased our troop commitments in support of governments which were singularly corrupt, inept, and without popular support. All the while the people read our leaflets and received the regular promises of peace and democracy and land reform. Now they languish under our bombs and consider us, not their fellow Vietnamese, the real enemy. They move sadly and apathetically as we herd them off the land of their fathers into concentration camps where minimal social needs are rarely met. They know they must move on or be destroyed by our bombs.

So they go, primarily women and children and the aged. They watch as we poison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops. They must weep as the bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the precious trees. They wander into the hospitals with at least twenty casualties from American firepower for one Vietcong-inflicted injury. So far we may have killed a million of them, mostly children. They wander into the towns and see thousands of the children, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets like animals. They see the children degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food. They see the children selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for their mothers.

What do the peasants think as we ally ourselves with the landlords and as we refuse to put any action into our many words concerning land reform? What do they think as we test out our latest weapons on them, just as the Germans tested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps of Europe? Where are the roots of the independent Vietnam we claim to be building? Is it among these voiceless ones?

We have destroyed their two most cherished institutions: the family and the village. We have destroyed their land and their crops. We have cooperated in the crushing — in the crushing of the nation’s only non-Communist revolutionary political force, the unified Buddhist Church. We have supported the enemies of the peasants of Saigon. We have corrupted their women and children and killed their men.

Now there is little left to build on, save bitterness. Soon, the only solid — solid physical foundations remaining will be found at our military bases and in the concrete of the concentration camps we call “fortified hamlets.” The peasants may well wonder if we plan to build our new Vietnam on such grounds as these. Could we blame them for such thoughts? We must speak for them and raise the questions they cannot raise. These, too, are our brothers.

Perhaps a more difficult but no less necessary task is to speak for those who have been designated as our enemies. What of the National Liberation Front, that strangely anonymous group we call “VC” or “communists”? What must they think of the United States of America when they realize that we permitted the repression and cruelty of Diem, which helped to bring them into being as a resistance group in the South? What do they think of our condoning the violence which led to their own taking up of arms? How can they believe in our integrity when now we speak of “aggression from the North” as if there were nothing more essential to the war? How can they trust us when now we charge them with violence after the murderous reign of Diem and charge them with violence while we pour every new weapon of death into their land? Surely we must understand their feelings, even if we do not condone their actions. Surely we must see that the men we supported pressed them to their violence. Surely we must see that our own computerized plans of destruction simply dwarf their greatest acts.

How do they judge us when our officials know that their membership is less than twenty-five percent communist, and yet insist on giving them the blanket name? What must they be thinking when they know that we are aware of their control of major sections of Vietnam, and yet we appear ready to allow national elections in which this highly organized political parallel government will not have a part? They ask how we can speak of free elections when the Saigon press is censored and controlled by the military junta. And they are surely right to wonder what kind of new government we plan to help form without them, the only party in real touch with the peasants. They question our political goals and they deny the reality of a peace settlement from which they will be excluded. Their questions are frighteningly relevant. Is our nation planning to build on political myth again, and then shore it up upon the power of new violence?

Here is the true meaning and value of compassion and nonviolence, when it helps us to see the enemy’s point of view, to hear his questions, to know his assessment of ourselves. For from his view we may indeed see the basic weaknesses of our own condition, and if we are mature, we may learn and grow and profit from the wisdom of the brothers who are called the opposition.

So, too, with Hanoi. In the North, where our bombs now pummel the land, and our mines endanger the waterways, we are met by a deep but understandable mistrust. To speak for them is to explain this lack of confidence in Western words, and especially their distrust of American intentions now. In Hanoi are the men who led the nation to independence against the Japanese and the French, the men who sought membership in the French Commonwealth and were betrayed by the weakness of Paris and the willfulness of the colonial armies. It was they who led a second struggle against French domination at tremendous costs, and then were persuaded to give up the land they controlled between the thirteenth and seventeenth parallel as a temporary measure at Geneva. After 1954 they watched us conspire with Diem to prevent elections which could have surely brought Ho Chi Minh to power over a united Vietnam, and they realized they had been betrayed again. When we ask why they do not leap to negotiate, these things must be remembered.

Also, it must be clear that the leaders of Hanoi considered the presence of American troops in support of the Diem regime to have been the initial military breach of the Geneva Agreement concerning foreign troops. They remind us that they did not begin to send troops in large numbers and even supplies into the South until American forces had moved into the tens of thousands.

Hanoi remembers how our leaders refused to tell us the truth about the earlier North Vietnamese overtures for peace, how the president claimed that none existed when they had clearly been made. Ho Chi Minh has watched as America has spoken of peace and built up its forces, and now he has surely heard the increasing international rumors of American plans for an invasion of the North. He knows the bombing and shelling and mining we are doing are part of traditional pre-invasion strategy. Perhaps only his sense of humor and of irony can save him when he hears the most powerful nation of the world speaking of aggression as it drops thousands of bombs on a poor, weak nation more than eight hundred — rather, eight thousand miles away from its shores.

At this point I should make it clear that while I have tried in these last few minutes to give a voice to the voiceless in Vietnam and to understand the arguments of those who are called “enemy,” I am as deeply concerned about our own troops there as anything else. For it occurs to me that what we are submitting them to in Vietnam is not simply the brutalizing process that goes on in any war where armies face each other and seek to destroy. We are adding cynicism to the process of death, for they must know after a short period there that none of the things we claim to be fighting for are really involved. Before long they must know that their government has sent them into a struggle among Vietnamese, and the more sophisticated surely realize that we are on the side of the wealthy, and the secure, while we create a hell for the poor.

Somehow this madness must cease. We must stop now. I speak as a child of God and brother to the suffering poor of Vietnam. I speak for those whose land is being laid waste, whose homes are being destroyed, whose culture is being subverted. I speak of the — for the poor of America who are paying the double price of smashed hopes at home, and death and corruption in Vietnam. I speak as a citizen of the world, for the world as it stands aghast at the path we have taken. I speak as one who loves America, to the leaders of our own nation: The great initiative in this war is ours; the initiative to stop it must be ours.

This is the message of the great Buddhist leaders of Vietnam. Recently one of them wrote these words, and I quote:

Each day the war goes on the hatred increases in the heart of the Vietnamese and in the hearts of those of humanitarian instinct. The Americans are forcing even their friends into becoming their enemies. It is curious that the Americans, who calculate so carefully on the possibilities of military victory, do not realize that in the process they are incurring deep psychological and political defeat. The image of America will never again be the image of revolution, freedom, and democracy, but the image of violence and militarism (unquote).

If we continue, there will be no doubt in my mind and in the mind of the world that we have no honorable intentions in Vietnam. If we do not stop our war against the people of Vietnam immediately, the world will be left with no other alternative than to see this as some horrible, clumsy, and deadly game we have decided to play. The world now demands a maturity of America that we may not be able to achieve. It demands that we admit that we have been wrong from the beginning of our adventure in Vietnam, that we have been detrimental to the life of the Vietnamese people. The situation is one in which we must be ready to turn sharply from our present ways. In order to atone for our sins and errors in Vietnam, we should take the initiative in bringing a halt to this tragic war.

I would like to suggest five concrete things that our government should do [immediately] to begin the long and difficult process of extricating ourselves from this nightmarish conflict:

Number one: End all bombing in North and South Vietnam.

Number two: Declare a unilateral cease-fire in the hope that such action will create the atmosphere for negotiation.

Three: Take immediate steps to prevent other battlegrounds in Southeast Asia by curtailing our military buildup in Thailand and our interference in Laos.

Four: Realistically accept the fact that the National Liberation Front has substantial support in South Vietnam and must thereby play a role in any meaningful negotiations and any future Vietnam government.

Five: Set a date that we will remove all foreign troops from Vietnam in accordance with the 1954 Geneva Agreement.

Part of our ongoing — Part of our ongoing commitment might well express itself in an offer to grant asylum to any Vietnamese who fears for his life under a new regime which included the Liberation Front. Then we must make what reparations we can for the damage we have done. We must provide the medical aid that is badly needed, making it available in this country, if necessary. Meanwhile — Meanwhile, we in the churches and synagogues have a continuing task while we urge our government to disengage itself from a disgraceful commitment. We must continue to raise our voices and our lives if our nation persists in its perverse ways in Vietnam. We must be prepared to match actions with words by seeking out every creative method of protest possible.

As we counsel young men concerning military service, we must clarify for them our nation’s role in Vietnam and challenge them with the alternative of conscientious objection. I am pleased to say that this is a path now chosen by more than seventy students at my own alma mater, Morehouse College, and I recommend it to all who find the American course in Vietnam a dishonorable and unjust one. Moreover, I would encourage all ministers of draft age to give up their ministerial exemptions and seek status as conscientious objectors. These are the times for real choices and not false ones. We are at the moment when our lives must be placed on the line if our nation is to survive its own folly. Every man of humane convictions must decide on the protest that best suits his convictions, but we must all protest.

Now there is something seductively tempting about stopping there and sending us all off on what in some circles has become a popular crusade against the war in Vietnam. I say we must enter that struggle, but I wish to go on now to say something even more disturbing.

The war in Vietnam is but a symptom of a far deeper malady within the American spirit, and if we ignore this sobering reality…and if we ignore this sobering reality, we will find ourselves organizing “clergy and laymen concerned” committees for the next generation. They will be concerned about Guatemala — Guatemala and Peru. They will be concerned about Thailand and Cambodia. They will be concerned about Mozambique and South Africa. We will be marching for these and a dozen other names and attending rallies without end, unless there is a significant and profound change in American life and policy.

And so, such thoughts take us beyond Vietnam, but not beyond our calling as sons of the living God.

In 1957, a sensitive American official overseas said that it seemed to him that our nation was on the wrong side of a world revolution. During the past ten years, we have seen emerge a pattern of suppression which has now justified the presence of U.S. military advisors in Venezuela. This need to maintain social stability for our investments accounts for the counterrevolutionary action of American forces in Guatemala. It tells why American helicopters are being used against guerrillas in Cambodia and why American napalm and Green Beret forces have already been active against rebels in Peru.

It is with such activity in mind that the words of the late John F. Kennedy come back to haunt us. Five years ago he said, “Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable.” Increasingly, by choice or by accident, this is the role our nation has taken, the role of those who make peaceful revolution impossible by refusing to give up the privileges and the pleasures that come from the immense profits of overseas investments. I am convinced that if we are to get on the right side of the world revolution, we as a nation must undergo a radical revolution of values. We must rapidly begin…we must rapidly begin the shift from a thing-oriented society to a person-oriented society. When machines and computers, profit motives and property rights, are considered more important than people, the giant triplets of racism, extreme materialism, and militarism are incapable of being conquered.

A true revolution of values will soon cause us to question the fairness and justice of many of our past and present policies. On the one hand, we are called to play the Good Samaritan on life’s roadside, but that will be only an initial act. One day we must come to see that the whole Jericho Road must be transformed so that men and women will not be constantly beaten and robbed as they make their journey on life’s highway. True compassion is more than flinging a coin to a beggar. It comes to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring.

A true revolution of values will soon look uneasily on the glaring contrast of poverty and wealth. With righteous indignation, it will look across the seas and see individual capitalists of the West investing huge sums of money in Asia, Africa, and South America, only to take the profits out with no concern for the social betterment of the countries, and say, “This is not just.” It will look at our alliance with the landed gentry of South America and say, “This is not just.” The Western arrogance of feeling that it has everything to teach others and nothing to learn from them is not just.

A true revolution of values will lay hand on the world order and say of war, “This way of settling differences is not just.” This business of burning human beings with napalm, of filling our nation’s homes with orphans and widows, of injecting poisonous drugs of hate into the veins of peoples normally humane, of sending men home from dark and bloody battlefields physically handicapped and psychologically deranged, cannot be reconciled with wisdom, justice, and love. A nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death.

America, the richest and most powerful nation in the world, can well lead the way in this revolution of values. There is nothing except a tragic death wish to prevent us from reordering our priorities so that the pursuit of peace will take precedence over the pursuit of war. There is nothing to keep us from molding a recalcitrant status quo with bruised hands until we have fashioned it into a brotherhood.

This kind of positive revolution of values is our best defense against communism. War is not the answer. Communism will never be defeated by the use of atomic bombs or nuclear weapons. Let us not join those who shout war and, through their misguided passions, urge the United States to relinquish its participation in the United Nations. These are days which demand wise restraint and calm reasonableness. We must not engage in a negative anticommunism, but rather in a positive thrust for democracy, realizing that our greatest defense against communism is to take offensive action in behalf of justice. We must with positive action seek to remove those conditions of poverty, insecurity, and injustice, which are the fertile soil in which the seed of communism grows and develops.

These are revolutionary times. All over the globe men are revolting against old systems of exploitation and oppression, and out of the wounds of a frail world, new systems of justice and equality are being born. The shirtless and barefoot people of the land are rising up as never before. “The people who sat in darkness have seen a great light.”2 We in the West must support these revolutions.

It is a sad fact that because of comfort, complacency, a morbid fear of communism, and our proneness to adjust to injustice, the Western nations that initiated so much of the revolutionary spirit of the modern world have now become the arch antirevolutionaries. This has driven many to feel that only Marxism has a revolutionary spirit. Therefore, communism is a judgment against our failure to make democracy real and follow through on the revolutions that we initiated. Our only hope today lies in our ability to recapture the revolutionary spirit and go out into a sometimes hostile world declaring eternal hostility to poverty, racism, and militarism. With this powerful commitment we shall boldly challenge the status quo and unjust mores, and thereby speed the day when “every valley shall be exalted, and every mountain and hill shall be made low, and the crooked shall be made straight, and the rough places plain.”3

A genuine revolution of values means in the final analysis that our loyalties must become ecumenical rather than sectional. Every nation must now develop an overriding loyalty to mankind as a whole in order to preserve the best in their individual societies.

This call for a worldwide fellowship that lifts neighborly concern beyond one’s tribe, race, class, and nation is in reality a call for an all-embracing — embracing and unconditional love for all mankind. This oft misunderstood, this oft misinterpreted concept, so readily dismissed by the Nietzsches of the world as a weak and cowardly force, has now become an absolute necessity for the survival of man. When I speak of love I am not speaking of some sentimental and weak response. I am not speaking of that force which is just emotional bosh. I am speaking of that force which all of the great religions have seen as the supreme unifying principle of life. Love is somehow the key that unlocks the door which leads to ultimate reality. This Hindu-Muslim-Christian-Jewish-Buddhist belief about ultimate — ultimate reality is beautifully summed up in the first epistle of Saint John: “Let us love one another, for love is God. And every one that loveth is born of God and knoweth God. He that loveth not knoweth not God, for God is love.” “If we love one another, God dwelleth in us and his love is perfected in us.”4 Let us hope that this spirit will become the order of the day.

We can no longer afford to worship the god of hate or bow before the altar of retaliation. The oceans of history are made turbulent by the ever-rising tides of hate. And history is cluttered with the wreckage of nations and individuals that pursued this self-defeating path of hate. As Arnold Toynbee says:

Love is the ultimate force that makes for the saving choice of life and good against the damning choice of death and evil. Therefore the first hope in our inventory must be the hope that love is going to have the last word (unquote).

We are now faced with the fact, my friends, that tomorrow is today. We are confronted with the fierce urgency of now. In this unfolding conundrum of life and history, there is such a thing as being too late. Procrastination is still the thief of time. Life often leaves us standing bare, naked, and dejected with a lost opportunity. The tide in the affairs of men does not remain at flood — it ebbs. We may cry out desperately for time to pause in her passage, but time is adamant to every plea and rushes on. Over the bleached bones and jumbled residues of numerous civilizations are written the pathetic words, “Too late.” There is an invisible book of life that faithfully records our vigilance or our neglect. Omar Khayyam is right: “The moving finger writes, and having writ moves on.”

We still have a choice today: nonviolent coexistence or violent coannihilation. We must move past indecision to action. We must find new ways to speak for peace in Vietnam and justice throughout the developing world, a world that borders on our doors. If we do not act, we shall surely be dragged down the long, dark, and shameful corridors of time reserved for those who possess power without compassion, might without morality, and strength without sight.

Now let us begin. Now let us rededicate ourselves to the long and bitter, but beautiful, struggle for a new world. This is the calling of the sons of God, and our brothers wait eagerly for our response. Shall we say the odds are too great? Shall we tell them the struggle is too hard? Will our message be that the forces of American life militate against their arrival as full men, and we send our deepest regrets? Or will there be another message — of longing, of hope, of solidarity with their yearnings, of commitment to their cause, whatever the cost? The choice is ours, and though we might prefer it otherwise, we must choose in this crucial moment of human history.

As that noble bard of yesterday, James Russell Lowell, eloquently stated:

Once to every man and nation comes a moment to decide,
In the strife of truth and Falsehood, for the good or evil side;
Some great cause, God’s new Messiah offering each the bloom or blight,
And the choice goes by forever ‘twixt that darkness and that light.
Though the cause of evil prosper, yet ‘tis truth alone is strong
Though her portions be the scaffold, and upon the throne be wrong
Yet that scaffold sways the future, and behind the dim unknown
Standeth God within the shadow, keeping watch above his own.

And if we will only make the right choice, we will be able to transform this pending cosmic elegy into a creative psalm of peace. If we will make the right choice, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our world into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. If we will but make the right choice, we will be able to speed up the day, all over America and all over the world, when “justice will roll down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.”5

Adetokunbo Oluwole Lucas (1931 – 25 December 2020) 

Adetokunbo Oluwole Lucas (1931 – 25 December 2020) was a Nigerian doctor who was considered a global leader in tropical diseases. Born in Lagos, he was educated in the United Kingdom and commenced his professional career in Nigeria. Lucas received the Prince Mahidol Award in 1999 for his support of strategic research on the tropical diseases. He served for ten years as the Director of Special Programmes for Research and Training in Tropical Diseases based at the World Health Organization in Geneva, Switzerland. He was Adjunct Professor of International Health Department of Global Health and Population of the Harvard School of Public Health. Lucas worked largely in his home nation of Nigeria and traveled frequently to the United Kingdom and to the Harvard School of Public Health in the United States.

some great reads by the GREAT olumide lucas

The Religion of the Yorubas: Being an Account of the Religious Beliefs and Practices of the Yoruba Peoples of Southern Nigeria, Especially in Relation to the Religion of Ancient Egypt

Early life and education
Lucas was born and raised in Lagos Island.[4] His father was the Nigerian educator, Olumide Lucas.[5] He attended St. Paul School and King’s College Lagos for his primary and secondary education. He studied medicine at Durham University, England, graduating with honours in 1956, followed by postgraduate training in internal medicine and public health.[6][7]

He was a Professor of internal medicine and public health in University of Ibadan, Nigeria, from 1960 to 1976, after which he directed the Tropical Diseases Research Program of the World Health Organization for ten years, from 1976 to 1986. He later became involved in maternal and child health programs and worked to prevent maternal morbidity and mortality. He was named Professor of International Health at Harvard University in 1990, which position is held in the Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health, where he remained an adjunct professor in population health in the Department of Global Health and Population. He continued to serve on numerous expert and advisory committees for national and international organisations involved to international health issues. Such institutions include the Rockefeller Foundation, the Edna McConnell Clark Foundation, the Carter Center, and the Wellcome Trust Scientific Group on Tropical Medicine. He also chaired the Global Forum for Health.

Raymond Mauny (1912-1994) is a French historian , specialist in prehistory and protohistory of Africa, in particular of Senegal and Mali .

Raymond Mauny studied law at the University of Poitiers and received his master’s degree in 1940, with a thesis titled The colonial dilemma in Franco-Italian relations since 1918. In 1937, he joined the AOF’s civil service administration because he was passionate about Africa.

In 1947, he joined the French Institute of Black Africa in Dakar, Senegal, where he worked alongside Professor Théodore Monod. Until 1962, he was in charge of the “Archeology and Prehistory” division. He took part in various archaeological missions in West Africa and the Sahara throughout the 1950s and 1960s .

Raymond Mauny was named professor of African history and holder of the chair of mediaeval African history at the Sorbonne in 1962. With Georges Balandier and Hubert Deschamps , he was one of the founding members of the Sorbonne’s African Research Center in 1963.

Raymond Mauny et la fabrique de l’histoire médiévale africaine

Raymond Mauny et la fabrique de l’histoire médiévale africaine

He was also president of the Société des Amis du Vieux Chinon and one of the main leaders of research on underground refuges from the Middle Ages .

He was the first to demonstrate the impossibility of the role attributed to the House of Slaves in the slave trade , in a Guide de Gorée of 1951

Harriet Tubman was an American abolitionist and political activist. 

Born into slavery, Tubman escaped and subsequently made some 13 missions to rescue approximately 70 enslaved people, including family and friends, using the network of antislavery activists and safe houses known as the Underground Railroad.

Harriet Tubman was born around 1820 on a plantation in Dorchester County, Maryland. Her parents, Harriet (“Rit”) Green and Benjamin Ross, named her Araminta Ross and called her “Minty.”

Rit worked as a cook in the plantation’s “big house,” and Benjamin was a timber worker. Araminta later changed her first name to Harriet in honor of her mother.

 Tubman is one of the most recognized icons in American history and her legacy has inspired countless people from every race and background.

When Was Harriet Tubman Born?

Harriet Tubman was born around 1820 on a plantation in Dorchester County, Maryland. Her parents, Harriet (“Rit”) Green and Benjamin Ross, named her Araminta Ross and called her “Minty.”

Rit worked as a cook in the plantation’s “big house,” and Benjamin was a timber worker. Araminta later changed her first name to Harriet in honor of her mother.

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Harriet Tubman

portrait-of-frederick-douglass

Frederick Douglass

Harriet had eight brothers and sisters, but the realities of slavery eventually forced many of them apart, despite Rit’s attempts to keep the family together. When Harriet was five years old, she was rented out as a nursemaid where she was whipped when the baby cried, leaving her with permanent emotional and physical scars.

Around age seven Harriet was rented out to a planter to set muskrat traps and was later rented out as a field hand. She later said she preferred physical plantation work to indoor domestic chores.

A Good Deed Gone Bad

Harriet’s desire for justice became apparent at age 12 when she spotted an overseer about to throw a heavy weight at a fugitive. Harriet stepped between the enslaved person and the overseer—the weight struck her head.

She later said about the incident, “The weight broke my skull … They carried me to the house all bleeding and fainting. I had no bed, no place to lie down on at all, and they laid me on the seat of the loom, and I stayed there all day and the next.”

Harriet’s good deed left her with headaches and narcolepsy the rest of her life, causing her to fall into a deep sleep at random. She also started having vivid dreams and hallucinations which she often claimed were religious visions (she was a staunch Christian). Her infirmity made her unattractive to potential slave buyers and renters.

Escape from Slavery

In 1840, Harriet’s father was set free and Harriet learned that Rit’s owner’s last will had set Rit and her children, including Harriet, free. But Rit’s new owner refused to recognize the will and kept Rit, Harriett and the rest of her children in bondage.

Around 1844, Harriet married John Tubman, a free Black man, and changed her last name from Ross to Tubman. The marriage was not good, and the knowledge that two of her brothers—Ben and Henry—were about to be sold provoked Harriet to plan an escape.

Harriet Tubman: Underground Railroad

Harriet, Ben, and Henry escaped their Maryland plantation on September 17, 1849. The brothers, on the other hand, changed their minds and returned. Harriet made it 90 miles north to Pennsylvania and freedom with the help of the Underground Railroad.
Tubman got work as a housekeeper in Philadelphia, but she didn’t want to be free only for herself; she also desired freedom for her family.

She carried a gun for both her own protection and to “encourage” her charges who might be having second thoughts. She often drugged babies and young children to prevent slave catchers from hearing their cries.

Over the next ten years, Harriet befriended other abolitionists such as Frederick Douglass, Thomas Garrett and Martha Coffin Wright, and established her own Underground Railroad network. It’s widely reported she emancipated 300 enslaved people; however, those numbers may have been estimated and exaggerated by her biographer Sarah Bradford, since Harriet herself claimed the numbers were much lower.

Nevertheless, it’s believed Harriet personally led at least 70 enslaved people to freedom, including her elderly parents, and instructed dozens of others on how to escape on their own. She claimed, “I never ran my train off the track and I never lost a passenger.”

The 1850 Runaway Slave Act allowed for the capture and enslavement of fugitive and released workers in the north. Harriet’s duty as an Underground Railroad conductor became much more difficult as a result of this, and she was obliged to take enslaved people further north to Canada at night, generally in the spring or fall when the days were shorter.

Harriet found new means to resist slavery when the Civil War broke out in 1861. She worked as a nurse, chef, and laundress at Fort Monroe to assist runaway enslaved people. Harriet used her herbal medicine skills to aid in the treatment of sick soldiers and fugitive enslaved people.

In 1863, Harriet became head of an espionage and scout network for the Union Army. She provided crucial intelligence to Union commanders about Confederate Army supply routes and troops and helped liberate enslaved people to form Black Union regiments.

Harriet had a policy of welcoming anyone in need. She financed her charitable endeavours by selling homegrown fruit, rearing pigs, and collecting donations and loans from friends. Despite the fact that she was illiterate, she travelled throughout the northeast, advocating on behalf of the women’s suffrage campaign and collaborating with famed suffragist Susan B. Anthony.

Pneumonia took Harriet Tubman’s life on Walk 10, 1913, however her heritage lives on. Schools and historical centers bear her name and her story has been returned to in books, motion pictures and narratives.

In 2016, the US Depository declared that Harriet’s picture will supplant that of previous President and slaveowner Andrew Jackson on the twenty-dollar note. Depository Secretary Steven Mnuchin (who served under President Trump) later declared the new bill would be postponed until no less than 2026. In January 2021, President Biden’s organization declared it would accelerate the plan cycle.